We are not pro-war; we prefer resistance not war.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu has sent a message to the Kurdish Conference held at the European Parliament, this is of importance. He has immense political experience; such people know how conflicts can be resolved. The opinions that say if PKK is removed from European Terrorist Organization List it shall negatively influence the current dialogue process that is developing are not right. The contrary is true. Indeed if it is taken off the list everything will become much easier. The fact that PKK is on the terrorist list makes the solution of the issue much more difficult.
 
In the last month I did not meet anyone here, but this is not to say that there will be no meetings in the near future. The meetings held here cannot be called negotiations or even a dialogue, indeed I am a mediator. I am a mediator between the PKK and the state, because as yet we have not made the transition to negotiations. If negotiations had begun we would be discussing each of the items. But there is no concrete item that we have begun to discuss because the government has not yet decided what to do. If we began negotiating I do not know how talks would end. By 1 March 2011 there should be some outcomes. It is a good, appropriate date. If the meetings yield a result then they may conclude in a meaningful and an honourable peace. I will then call it a sacred or grand peace. If on the other hand nothing comes out of these meetings then we may have a much worse situation in our hands. If until 1 March 2011 there is no meaningful peace coming out of these meetings then I shall pull myself aside from being a mediator. It is not just a matter of pulling out but I shall say that “I was not able to succeed as neither the state nor the government wanted to resolve the issue, hence I can no longer remain as mediator”. I will not interfere with them. I give them until the 1st of March.  So the countdown has begun.

In 2006 they delayed us immensely. Back then they put on the agenda the laying down of weapons and they tried to impose this on us. For the last five years they have been delaying us. A methodological mistake made at the beginning yields wrong results. I realized this to be wrong after five years. During this period many guerrillas, poor innocent Anatolian kids who are either soldiers or police lost their lives. I am immensely saddened by their loss as well. At that time the laying down of weapons was on the table above everything else; that was a mistake but now disarmament is the last stage.

The state sees me to make peace. They make an effort so that these meetings will end up in making peace. But the government has not yet made a decision. It neither decides to begin negotiations nor to make peace. Those who meet me in the name of the state have understood me and are aware of the dangers involved. Turkey could have become another Iraq but I am preventing it. I told the officials who come here that I am the one that prevents Turkey becoming another Iraq. I do my best in order to achieve peace. But the Prime Minister does not even admit to the meetings here, he says it is 'the state that meets him'. There is only one thing I request from Mr Erdoðan, the Prime Minister; he should get a decision to pursue peace from the Grand Assembly. Just a decision to make peace. After that all shall be resolved. But above all they must decide on making peace.

The state and army want a solution, but the AKP does not and is not ready for a solution. Hence the biggest obstacle to peace is the AKP.  There may be well meaning people within the AKP, even the Prime Minister may mean well but the AKP does not take a decision in relation to making peace. I have not yet totally understood the Prime Minister because he is inscrutable. What is important is whether the Prime Minister shall evolve into an Özal or be Çiller? Indeed will he decide to be someone like Özal or someone like Çiller? This is a big question mark for me. Özal had made a decision to make peace, the day before he was killed he sent us a delegation to initiate dialogue. He was in dialogue with us. The Prime Minister travels to the US and the UK; if he becomes Çiller he will become more dangerous than Çiller. But at the moment he is inscrutable, he shuts himself off. The AKP says “we do not have the strength to make peace” but this is not true. You are the government and you must decide to make peace.

Mahmut Övür in his latest column says that when the AKP first came to power H. Özkök saying that the “Kurdish question is a very important issue and must be resolved” went to the government with a project to resolve it. They took this proposal of Özkök to the Assembly but they faced much resistance within political circles and the government was as a result scared off and withdrew the proposal. Özkök was one of those who wanted to resolve the matter like Eþref Bitlis. They killed Bitlis. Özkök belonged to a group that formerly established contact with us in ‘97 and ‘98. This was also written about in Taraf. At the time there was a group of people who wanted to resolve the issue but external powers did not allow them to do so. There are individuals who are pro-resolution both in the military and in the police force. The AKP has not yet made up its mind whether it wants peace or not; it may even be at a stage where it may adopt the position of the MHP. It may take on the past position of the MHP.

This question must be resolved peacefully but the AKP is in search for other things. The AKP is constructing its own hegemony. It constructs its hegemony in every field of life. It did away with the Constitutional Court as well as the Council of Judges and Prosecutors and its hegemonic construction continues in many other fields. Today they removed some generals from duty. With the next elections they would like to complete the construction of their hegemony. With the coming of the AKP into power there was a dichotomy both within the army and state. They try to do the same to us; they were partially successful in 2003-2004. But they could not attain results. At present they are trying to divide us as well.

This is why I say that understanding is important. If there was a couple of people who would understand democratic politics and its philosophy we would not be in the situation we are today. This is why I talked about political academies. In these academies one could have raised hundreds and thousands of politicians. The things I say from here are not understood. The AKP makes use of what I say here and they implement it according to their own framework. They have established political academies themselves. But those who really need to understand it don't.

Some external powers guide the AKP. For example, the AKP spends lots of money in the region. This money is not the AKP's money but comes from outside. Their way of being a Muslim is not being a Muslim. The real way to be a Muslim is to be honest and to have democracy. Their only concern is money; who cares if people die. Their only worry is to get the votes of the people. They do not care if innocent Anatolian people die in return for their interests. But I also worry for all those poor Anatolian kids, the soldiers and the police. I have respect for people's beliefs but they need to be sincere. Religion is not something that pulls in money but I know that all the religious communities in the region spend some serious amount of money there. This money is not earned from religious activities; the source of this money is outside. This is “green gladio”. They have nothing to do with being a Muslim.

The AKP's only concern in the region is to make sure that some tribes gain money. Their only worry is to make money; they do not care if people die. Some of the MPs in the AKP have no other concern than to make sure their tribes gain another five or ten thousand dollars. These MPs have no other talent than to take their salaries each month. The AKP should not get more than five percent of the votes in the region. Why should they? If one works well now the AKP's votes shall fall to five percent in the region. One thing is clear though: Each vote for the AKP is a vote for war, all the votes that are not given to the AKP and other parties shall be a vote for peace. Our people must see it this way.

The AKP is now establishing the system of soldiers of fortune. They are thinking of the numbers to be around fifty thousand. This means that they constructing an army from people that are directly devoted to themselves.

We have the next three months ahead of us. If peace is not achieved and war, a civil war develops everyone including the NGOs in the region and Diyarbakir shall be affected. Everyone shall be affected by it. I call on the businessman and companies in the region; I have no objections for you making money. I agree with the things you say on peace, I even give consent to it. But you must also make sure that the government also accepts this. Then come to me. For example, the businessman must determine exactly why they cannot invest in the region. They must be able to say that the reason is the existence of war and that the conditions to invest do not exist. They must be able to say this to the government. They first of all should make sure that the government accepts these conditions for peace.

Politics is not easy. I listen to it all and can say that they are mostly not serious. I see this in the published material of the Kurdish circles that deal with politics; there is nothing on democratic autonomy.  For example in an essay they write about Bedirxhan, of course he is an important personality but there are at the moment issues of more urgency. Newspapers and magazines that talk about the Kurdish issue have no articles of high quality. Their level is around about the same and none of them seem prepared to take a step up.

Those that should fulfill their duties don't seem to be functioning and are not working seriously. There is not enough work done, politics is not understood well. One should work in a similar manner as was done during the French Revolution on the constitution. This kind of discussion and work could go on for 8-10 months. They gather for two to three days and then they go away and then no one does anything. If they do not work this time around I shall criticize them harshly. This is a very important period so everyone must be more active now.

In all the cities one could establish City Councils. For example in Diyarbakir one could establish a City Council that numbers around at least 300 people. In Batman the City Council could number around 200 people. In other cities too their numbers could be between one hundred to one hundred and fifty. Within the City Councils individuals from different circles and opinion should take their place. There are some sincere Islamic groups, who are separate from the AKP, who can also take their place in these City Councils. Anyone who wants peace, this may include someone from the MHP who accepts peace. These City Councils must immediately take a peace decision and must publish their declaration in relation to peace. They could determine their conditions and principles for peace and could tell the AKP and other parties that they can come to their cities if they accept these principles. Such a decision can be taken and if it is then I shall abide by it. If things such as these are done then peace shall develop much faster. If five to ten cities implement this then peace shall be developed.

Democratic autonomy constitution is not something that shall be determined in two or three meetings; you may need at least 8 months. This must be prepared well. The DTK's work on democratic autonomy is also of importance. They can make use of my defences for that. I shall talk about democratic autonomy constitution in my last defence in much more detail.

Democratic autonomy is a system unique to the Kurds. Half of the work on democratic autonomy falls on the municipalities. The work on the democratic autonomy constitution must be accelerated and completed. Baydemir and other mayors should also deal with this issue. In 1924 there is a promise made to the Kurds in relation to democratic autonomy. No one talks about this. But these issues should be discussed all the time.

I read the Islamic Movement of Kurdistan from the press; I agree with them but on one condition they must be sincere. They must implement what they say. The DTK can form a Belief Commission within itself. Those who are sincere like Abdullah Timoqi should take their position within the DTK. People like Altan Tan can discuss these issues and can gather together those who are sincere.

If there is no resolution then there could be a conflict similar to that of the big terror period in France in 1791 or like the civil war of 1918 during the establishment of the Soviet Union. We are not pro-war; we prefer resistance not war.

If the Prime Minister decides to make peace and the period of democratic solution develops then we can withdraw the guerrillas to rural areas and then we can talk about disarmament. This discussion on individual rights is not a favour by the AKP. This is not something that was talked about first by the AKP. Since 1999 this has been mentioned to me by the state authorities that have talked to me. But the AKP makes it look as if it is its own plan! This is not true, and it is not something that the AKP has come up with. Just as that columnist says Özkök, that it is the military, goes to the government to implement a solution but the government does not assume responsibility and says that its “grass roots are not ready for a solution”. Then why don't you prepare your grass roots, why haven't you prepared your grass roots for the past 10 years?

The conspiracy-genocide against the Kurds began on 15 February 1925. As you know there was a plot against Sheikh Said on 15 February 1925. There was a plot against me on 15 February as well. They eliminated Cibranlý Halit and his friends and then they attacked Sheikh Said. They hanged Sheikh Said on 29 June and interestingly it was the same day that they also sentenced me to death. These are not coincidences, this mechanism cannot work so coincidentally. 15 February is not just a dark day for me but 15 February 1925 is the date when the genocide of the Kurds began. I declare 15 February the Genocide Day of the Kurds.

Mustafa Kemal is presented to be the perpetrator of the genocides, but that is not the case. Prime Minister Fethi Okyar was a friend of Mustafa Kemal but they brought him down from government. They replaced him with Ismet Ýnönü and Fevzi Çakmak who were pro-British. They besieged Mustafa Kemal. I called this the White Turkist hegemony. This continued up until the 1980s. After the ‘80s the Green Turkist hegemony was put into motion. In my final defence I made detailed evaluations in relation to Gladio. The MHP and fascists were educated by the Gladio in the US. These are the same powers that support the AKP,they are the product of the same Gladio. When I have a look at the last five years I can see that Gladio is more comprehensive than I had thought. I explain this in detail in my last defence. Turkish Gladio-Ergenekon is like an octopus and has many arms. Even if you smash its head its arms continue to work. The AKP is a part of this process. This must be understood well. There are some powers that orientate AKP, but they do not have a solution to this issue either.

Within this last five years, the PKK was not able to increase the armed struggle and the state was not able to further a solution. Both are at a bottleneck. Both the state and the PKK leave everything to me. They expected and continue to expect everything from me. If there is no solution until 1 March then war may be much deeper than before. I don't know whether they will do this or not; whether they will fight or not this is up to them. I feel that I must say all this. It may not be within my life time, I may die, hence I feel that I should say all that I can. I do not want to leave any gaps.

Let me just say the following about this platonic love issue: Prime Minister has apparently said that the “CHP and BDP are having a platonic affair”. But really it is the AKP and the CHP who had a real affair at the Beylerbeyi Palace so that Erdoðan would become the Prime Minister. And on that day today's divine two-party rule was born.

I extend my greetings to our people in Syria and PYD as well as our people in Iran and PJAK. I send my special greetings to Agri, Dogubeyazit, Igdir and Kars. I send my greetings to our people in Sirnak, Silopi, Hakkari and all of Botan. I also send my greetings to the Assyrian people living in Europe. They should protect their existence. We shall protect all the different peoples in Kurdistan including the Assyrians, Yezidis and all the others.