How can one breathe in a tiny room or even live in one! We are going through a historic period. All the periods were significant but now the next six months will be more important than ever. How are we going to use these six months? We need to be very careful. I am very much under a heavy burden. Yet we will proceed with it. These days I am specially concentrating on the 1925s. There are some appalling facts; we are facing a very difficult moment. I recall the hardships I went through in primary school. They used to call us, 'Kurds with a Tail.' I struggled a lot against all that and when I started the struggle I knew what I was going to face. Despite all the difficulties we have reached this point. Kurdish peace is really a very difficult task. As the saying goes we are trying to 'get the lamb from the lion's mouth.' This is how everyone should approach their responsibilities.
My last defence, the fifth book, is a kind of summary of all my defence statements. There are quite practical proposals in it, including proposals from all aspects for the solution of the problem. However, the theoretical side is strong as well. I could not touch the gender issue as much as I wished because I had to take up all the issues in balance. However, I did deal with the gender issue quite a lot in the past; both on the theoretical and practical aspects of it.
We have urged the problem to be solved in a peaceful democratic way. Our goal was not an alliance. There is a wrong debate in the public; alliance and reconciliation are two different things. We are looking for reconciliation. The roots of Islam also lie in reconciliation. One could see the significance of reconciliation by studying the life and practices of prophet Muhammed. In fact, there are compromises in the Roman-Byzantine period. There is no need to fear compromises. Turkey needs them. I did not talk about Türköne in vain. Türköne says the Turkishness is poisoned with nationalism. He is right indeed. I find these remarks valuable. I believe his response to our call will be a positive one if he also wants goodness and peace- he already says that his work is based on all this. I asked for his contribution. I asked him to contribute to the social peace.
They also affect large masses. Uniting all these efforts will be useful for peace. Peace is a sacred task. Is also the greatest work of humanity and is also relevant for the essence of Islam. We are moving towards a very important six months. Everyone must be careful. If the next six months are evaluated well a door to the solution may be opened. Otherwise, no one could imagine how a terrible war can develop.
It is right that we will give the final decision in June but I can also clarify my attitude in March. If there are no positive developments then I will withdraw in March and not wait until June. Therefore the AKP's attitude is very critical during this period. I can see that the AKP is not very much being understood. Everyone needs to know that we are faced with the most cunning government and the most cunning leader who ever came to power. They will do anything to maintain their power. Because capital is desperate to do anything. The Konya-Kayseri line what I call the green capital, has strengthened itself by compromising with -what nowadays is called- the white Turks.
They became partners and now they even started to overwhelm them. The green capital is doing everything to remain in power. We are faced a great plan, an enormous cunning plan. The AKP is known; it has been masterminded in London. London said to the AKP, ''Leave the Kurdish issue unsolved and we will pave the way for you in the Middle East.'' All the developments point to this; ''Leave the Kurdish issue unsolved and stay in power.'' The AKP government's source of power lies within the unresolved Kurdish issue. They agreed with the British on this. There it is, the AKP is in power for nine years and they did not solve the issue.
They want to go on in such a way for another nine years. I study the years of 1925s. A reality is better understood which has also connections up until the current times. The same game continues. It is known that the mastermind of that period was Britain. Then, Britain told Mustafa Kemal, ''Make your preference; you will either give up the Republic or the Mosul-Kirkuk, you will only choose one." In another words, Britain had limited the Republic in return for Mosul-Kirkuk and had approved the annihilation of the Kurds. Mustafa Kemal chose the limited Republic but had later said that Mosul-Kirkuk 'was a wound inside him.' He was obliged to accept it under the pressure of Britain. Britain, at that time, imposed a policy of deadlock of the Kurdish problem. Today, the game continues. Today, the United Kingdom in exchange for the deadlock of the Kurdish problem says to the AKP, 'I will support your ruling' so "stay in power and do not resolve the Kurdish problem," he says. The source of the non-resolution of the Kurdish problem lies here.
Mahmut Övür had written; when the AKP came to power in 2002 the chief of staff then Özkök came to the MGK(National Security Council) with a file in his hand and said we should solve his problem yet the AKP's reply to this was, ''We are not yet ready for it.'' It's clear as crystal. The state has many institutions and the most important is the government. When the government does not do what it needs to do, the process becomes clogged. The AKP claims to have done this and that and the 'initiative', however, the AKP is not telling the truth. The AKP is cheating the people. The AKP even fully arrogate to itself the launching of the TRT-6 and keeps saying, ''We've done the initiative and launched the TRT-6!'' Therefore, the AKP is the biggest obstacle in front of the process.
Indeed, the danger is great. I cannot say we are close to peace. I can't say eighty-ninety percent that there will be peace, neither do I say it is very bad, it is kind of half way, in other words we are in the middle. This is what my remark is for the next six months: ''A last chance for the democratic solution.'' Otherwise, clashes will begin and a terrible war will develop. For such periods, a famous historian had done a very good analysis, "either you die or kill in this period, there is nothing else to it," he says. If a solution does not develop we are to face such a period. It won't be certain who will be killed, everyone is under threat.
Even the President of this country died helplessly. He was a president but there was no one next to him, he could not protect himself. This is how Özal's death happened. It was interesting in 1993 when he sent me a mediator for a dialogue, I was shocked. At the time I thought, ''This man is either very naive or a cunning one who tries to set a plot against us.'' But after his wife and son's statements it comes out to be that Özal was a very naive person. Eşref Bitlis Pasha was dead in the same way. But everyone says that it was a murder. In fact, he did not do very important things. I think he sent a letter to Özal and requested for the last time, a special power, "let's start a period without weapons and solve this problem," he said. Seeing the danger before the start of the known burning of villages, extrajudicial killings in advance, he writes a letter to request special authority. They were a team with Özal. But he also became a victim of murder. The rest of the team was also annihilated. This mob-like trend continues and they are stronger than was thought. Let’s not be misled by the Ergenekon arrests. This is just the tip of the iceberg; the total size of it is much greater. Those journalists arrested cry out, ''We are in the prison, how about those responsible?'' Now, I am telling the real important thing; the AKP compromised with this mob-like trend in order to remain in power, this is why it does not solve the issue. This needs to be well understood. Of course, such periods will also lead to other dangers, there can also be provocations. Ottoman's involvement into World War I is a typical example of such periods. In fact, the Ottoman state did not want to get involved in the war but at the time Enver Pasha together with couple of people around him played such a game that suddenly the Ottoman found itself in the war. If the deadlock is prolonged Turkey is awaiting for such big dangers, this why I give such an example. Uncertain processes are dangerous, in the case it is prolonged it is open to all kinds of possibilities. The AKP, by operation against the KCK, said, ''I pacified Diyarbakır.'' ''I will do one or two operations more and pacify all other places, I will reinforce my power and remain in power for another 9 more years'', says the AKP. The only problem facing the AKP is to remain in power, are the votes. But I think it is not true to say that Diyarbakır is pacified, Diyarbakır is not pacified. I know Diyarbakır. About 30-40 years ago we started off in Peyas-Kayapınar, Diyarbakır cannot be pacified. Diyarbakir Provincial Councils, Urban Councils should intensify their efforts. I do not want to indicate a definite figure, but the Provincial Councils could be 500-600, Urban Councils may be 200-300. It can be assessed and decided according to the needs. Work should be done district to district, village to village, and within the neighborhoods.
The Urban Councils should urge peace. Peace studies are important, as vital as bread and water. Every vote given to the AKP is a vote for war and a vote for deadlock. The true face of the AKP needs to be explained to the people. The AKP is not a source of the solution but the source of the problem.
The BDP should raise its votes. If the BDP gets the votes at the level of the MHP or even at CHP level in general in Turkey it is easy for the state to come to a peace, the state would be forced to a peace.
The AKP aims to divide the Kurds should be seen and we need to be aware of them. I had mentioned 2002. There was also a process in the 2005-2006, when everything evolved out of my knowledge. It reached me later. This was the AKP's different game. We went through them all and have left them behind. Now it is the end of 2010. No one should make a mistake. Everyone should play their role well. Yes 2010 is finishing but there are still serious uncertainties. Erdogan is quite interesting, I cannot be sure. Sometimes he kind of acts like Çiller and sometimes like Özal? I cannot decide. He develops dialogue but what he does in practice shows that he has not given up the annihilation policies. However, things are clearing up now. It cannot go on in such a way and we will not accept this game. I cannot make the guerrillas wait in such a way for so long. Neither can I keep Diyarbakır in such way.
Besides the heavy conditions I am under, I struggle with these difficulties to try to force the state and the government for a dialogue, democratic and peaceful solution. I am aware of my heavy prison conditions. I also know that it is not very healthy to proceed with the process under such conditions. But, I have to do it.
Now, I am telling the women; they have their own centres, they should develop themselves. Women were the centre of life during the goddess period. This why the women’s struggle is important. The women should be the centre of life, the centre of the democratic solution and be a force of unity. One can only become an important woman in such struggle.
I am not new to real politics, I have always done it, my life of struggle passed in such way, by understanding the real politics. I had always understood it well. I recall when I was in the village I was trying to explain some things to the villagers and they would say, ''don't explain these things to us, we won't understand these, you talk to us, you might as well talk to wood it is same thing. We are like wood.'' Leadership is the art of foresight. What is important is to be able to foresee these things.
Madrasahs are an important part of Kurdish culture and patriotism. What is important here is to actualise the culture. Kurdish culture, the Kurdish language, Kurdish music and Kurdish art are all a whole. In the coming period, I will also study in Kurdish. I extend my greetings to the friends in Diyarbakır and Bingöl.