2011 Should Be the Year of Democratic Mobilization

31 December 2010

The year Pilot Necati was with us was an important year. He and the way he died as well as who killed him must be investigated. The results shall clarify many things. It is unclear whether he was an agent or not; if he was, then this shall change things. At the time that he was with us he proposed that “we kidnap Sabiha Gökçen”. If I had approved he would have kidnapped her and of course they would then have eliminated us just like Deniz Gezmi� and his friends. But, was he after a provocation or did he want revenge? Was he in collaboration with the state? The clarification of all these are of much importance.  


Both the Congress (Democratic Society Congress) and the Party (Peace and Democratic Party) have handled democratic autonomy in a narrow and simple way. What is expected of them is not a draft or a red book. They could be able to present this project in a better manner. For example, they could have better explained that democratic autonomy is a project for the whole of Turkey. They should have given priority to how they envisage a democratic union with the Turks. They should have known how strong and resilient the nationalists are in Turkey. It might be dangerous that DTK views democratic autonomy in a narrow and simple manner and in the form of a red booklet.  This manner may bring more harm than benefit. As they laid down their project for a solution the nationalist powers in Turkey became furious. It is said that they have touched the nerves of this section with the project. Both sides may toughen and start a conflict and, I may not always be around to prevent this. This is what I am trying to do here.

I believe the fury of the government and the National Security Council is because of my latest defences. They may be annoyed with the latest defences I wrote. I handed the defence over to the prison director on 22nd December.  It is 792 pages in total. They shall probably send it to the European Court of Human Rights. I guess they were annoyed with these defences; this is why there was such fuss lately. I believe the government and the National Security Council were annoyed with it and hence the National Security Council issued a harsh statement.

I have titled my latest defence, “Kurdish Question and Democratic Nation as a Solution”. I have given much room for democratic autonomy within this book. I have talked about my proposals for a solution under nine headings. Democratic Autonomy is only one of these nine headings. It is quite a broad and important topic on its own right and that is why I talked about it extensively in my book. The book shall need editing. It can be named in general Kurdish Question and Democratic Modernity's Solution and underneath it may read, “To be a Democratic Nation”.

Within this book I talked about many things extensively. This is why, I think, the National Security Council statement was issued.

I have viewed the early periods of the Republic in a critical manner as well. I am writing about its history of conspiracies. Also, there is a detailed analysis of the Gladio. I look at the history of Turkey as a history of conspiracies. I divide this conspiracy-Gladio history of Turkey into four periods. At the onset of the Republic there are several conspiracies against the Kurds and this is how policies are implemented at the time. This is one topic that is becoming clearer to me.  In 1925, when a conspiracy against the Kurds were being implemented the then prime minister Fethi Okyar said “I shall not have Kurdish blood on my hands” and withdrew from office. But the conspiracy continued with a different team. On 15 February the conspiracy was initiated after a military unit was sent to Sheikh Said and provoked so that two soldiers were killed. Back then a team planned and implemented these conspiracies. There were five generals heading this team and they were the ones to set up the conspiracy against Sheikh Said. The same team also set up a conspiracy in Menemen to make a provocation against the republic.   The same team, the same hand, hastily executed Sheikh Said by hanging at a time when there was a meeting with Mustafa Kemal in order to stop Sheikh Said's execution. Hence, the meeting with Mustafa Kemal never took place as a result. The conspiracy continued against Seyid Riza as well.

In my new defences, I also talk about how this same team, who set up such conspiracies rendered Mustafa Kemal ineffective and left him alone. Fevzi Çakmak and �nönü made a deal together with some of the Jewish intellectuals at the time to pull off the conspiracies against the Kurds. They turned Mustafa Kemal into some kind of a prisoner, I point out. During the time of Özal, these conspiracies continued in different forms as well. At that time, NATO was giving permission for the execution and extra-judicial killings of the Kurds. This is the reason, at the time, Do�an Güre� had said, “we have the green light from London”. At the time they also eliminated many of their military officers as well as their Gendarme Commander but disguised them as a normal deaths. Tansu Çiller surrendered to Gladio. Gladio eliminated Erbakan and Ecevit whereas Erdo�an reconciled with Gladio.

In my book, I talk about the Prime Minister's position to be one of a reconciler. I am not so clear about the position of the Prime Minister myself; has AKP rendered Gladio ineffective or has it surrendered to it? I talk about how AKP has reconciled with Gladio.  I am talking about it establishing its own gladio instead of the Red Apple coalition that existed before them. My defences may have reached the government, their fury might be because of this. AKP and Gladio have reconciled, against the Kurds of course. In the new period ahead, there will be nothing put into practise without AKP's prior knowledge.  

There can be two things might develop in this period. Solving the issue can be deepened and in connection dialogues may continue with more profoundness. But I do know that both from my own experiences and the experiences of others that provocations maybe develop during the periods of dialogue. Hence, there can be a new evaluation made in March, I shall also be making such an evaluation. Such provocation maybe activated from all directions.

My death here would be the reason for a never-ending war, and will start a never-ending war. Even if I die here as a result of an earth quake, it shall still be considered a reason for war. Or if someone attacks me here it shall also be considered as such. It may even be that I die from a normal illness but this too shall be considered a conspiracy. This is how the PKK shall interpret it. But I too say that, “One cannot die of natural causes in Imrali but can get killed”. There is no natural death here one can only be murdered. In here all kinds of death can only be interpreted as being murdered; this is how PKK shall perceive it. In conclusion no matter how I die I shall be murdered because this is a prison. Therefore it is totally unclear what shall happen tomorrow; they may even attack the prime minister as well. Özal was killed at the onset of such a period; it may happen to Erdo�an tomorrow as well. There may even be a military coup in this country.  

Anything could happen. Let's remember Özal was killed, the Gendarme Commander was killed, Erbakan and Ecevit were eliminated. I have experience because I saw all these happen, hence anything can happen tomorrow. This is why I say an evaluation is in order for March. It may even be before then. This does not only concern me. If the state attacks and kills ten guerrillas tomorrow things may turn around due to such provocations. We must therefore hurry up in order to find a solution. There is a need to establish the necessary conditions for a solution. The necessary conditions for a solution can be announced and until the elections these conditions and atmosphere for it can be prepared for. The period and dialogue is developing in a positive way and is becoming more profound. If there are no extraordinary developments, no obstacles there could be some important developments.

If there are no obstructions in January then there shall be some important developments in relation to solving the issue. After the elections the AKP or those in power shall reveal necessary projects for finding a solution. After the election solving the issue may become more pivotal. But this is dependent on how much the Kurds shall increase their own votes because the more they do this the more they become the agency for democratic solution. And hence shall be accepted by all. But the more AKP gets votes and the less Kurds get the total of votes then AKP shall declare “I represent the Kurds and the Kurds do not want anything”. In such a case the demands and the status of the Kurds shall be endangered. The Kurds then will fall behind and may come to the point of extinction.

In this new period of dialogue there should be no attacks by either side. They can only use their right to retaliate. This means that if one attacks the other or vice versa shall be able to use the right to retaliate.

The fundamental thing in our understanding of a solution is democracy. The democratic solution project of the Kurds is true for all, for all of Turkey, because it is based on democracy. I think the concept of democratic autonomy is disturbs some. What we mean by democratic autonomy is to determine a status for the Kurds. We are not talking about changing the borders, flag and such like. We are discussing how the Kurds shall unite with a democratic Turkey. Such a unification is important for everyone. Hence it should be understood well that the project of Kurds has nothing to do with dividing the country. 

We are trying to sort out the status. How should the status of the Kurds be like?  The status of a being is the reason for its existence. Here the problem being an entity and hence the Kurds too have the problem of an entity. Entity, this is the question of existence for Kurds. What we hence mean by democratic autonomy is the determination of a political status for Kurds. We may also call this “democratic political status”. How can this divide the country? We can even call this the democratic socialization. The important point about the solution project of the Kurds is the acceptance of the Kurds as a democratic and political power. This is how it was resolved all around the world. When the demands of the Kurds are being stated they should be well formulated, well-spoken and well explained. When this is well laid down who can be against it? Who can be against the existence of the Kurds and their status? We have no problems with the flag, borders and the official language. We give importance to a solution within the social arena. We are concerned with social, cultural, political projects and solutions.

We do not want to divide the state, we want to unite with a democratic Turkey. All our efforts are to this end. Flag is a symbol, it is not so important for us. Flag is a symbol of ruling classes. We do not view these issues like the rulers. In the discussion of these issues there is this language, which is created by the nation-state in Turkey. A new state alongside the state, a new flag alongside the flag is not right.  This is a trap and one must stay away from it. Things like one language, one flag, belong to the nation-state ideology and represent the nationalism of the petty-bourgeoisie. This is why the nationalists were so furious about it. I said it many times before including writing about it in the road map. We are trying to achieve the construction of a democratic nation through democratic politics. CHP and MHP are up to their neck involved in unearned benefits. For the last 80 years this is all that CHP and MHP does. They acquire unearned state benefits. This is the mostly how the political parties approach the matter and this is what shall divide the state.  

Kurds should realize the construction of democratic society in all areas. If they realize their own organizations such as that of City Councils and become united in their demands then who can resist them? For example in a city of a million people, like Van, if all the people in the city unite who can then be against them? The democratic autonomy draft of DTK was a bit early and in a hurry. How can solution to be develop? For example Van; if I was in Van and was in touch with the people there for 24 hours a day of course they would listen to me. The people are unemployed and desperate. I would have told them about their problems, how to solve those problems and I would convince them.

I talk about the City Council for a reason. In the absence of Van, Batman and Diyarbakir becoming democratized there can be no resolution. For example Van has a population of a million; if you go to the people and convince them then they shall insist on a solution. The state cannot resist against them, this is how a solution can be developed. All we want is to raise our children in our own language and culture. I had previously told my own struggle story with my mother for language and culture. Children should be raised in their mother tongue and culture. Those children who are raised in another language and culture simply become a child of that language and culture. I am not saying that they should not get to know other cultures but they should learn their own as well. Our aim is to finds way of living our own culture, language and arts and to make them flourish. It is most natural that a person lives with its own mother language, culture and arts. No one can oppose this.

The investors in the region and in Diyarbak�r should also announce their project in relation to the Kurds. They should not just point to here and there but announce their own project.

Anyone who deals with politics should read the books of Hannah Arendt. She has some very important findings there. She has some true findings in relation to the art of politics and philosophy of politics. They overlap with my own.  

There are letters from several prisons and I send greetings to them all. I send my special greetings to those friends who are ill and imprisoned.

I wish the Ezidis, Christians and the Assyrians in the region a happy new year. They are also included in our democratic solution project. They should also support this democratic solution. Everyone is included in our democratic solution project including the Turkmens in Iraq and Azerbaijanis in Iran and all the other peoples. It is for everyone. 2011 may be the year where a democratic and peaceful solution is found for Kurdish question. All our people must act with a democratic mobilization spirit. 2011 should be the year of democratic mobilization.

There could be a Cultural Centre established in Van. The location should be attractive, it could be by the Lake Van. It should be a great monument. It could be of marble, beautiful and spacious; a place where the people could come and work and could be a cultural centre for all the people. Van was the centre for Urartu. Their civilization there is still quite visible. This project should be developed and then build in a spacious place where it should also have a garden. It should not be like a recreational place. This cultural centre should not just be for Van but something more regional. Similar centres can be built in Diyarbakir and Batman.

For Aram one can open a museum in Diyarbak�r  where his art and music can be displayed. It can be a centre not only for Aram but one that holds other artists work as well. This could be turned into a centre that combines all this within itself. This could be built in Diyarbakir by the River Dicle. Later one should bring Aram's remains there.

Finally, I extend my special greetings to Sedat Karada� and his family in Hakkari, Yüksekova. I also greet our people in Batman, Mu�, and Van.