Jalal Talabani may play a role in the resolution of the Kurdish question. In the past he was the first person to act as a mediator during Özal's term.

February 4th, 2011

Jalal Talabani may play a role in the resolution of the Kurdish question. In the past he was the first person to act as a mediator during Özal's term. We had initiated the ceasefire period back then with them. This was an unfinished business with Özal. He can take on such a task. Because Talabani liked Özal and valued him which he can see it as a duty as well. I remember back a long while ago he said, implying North Kurdistan, "the problems of the Kurds in the South cannot be resolved if the question in the Greater Kurdistan is not resolved, the Kurds will not feel safe here.". This is why it is a crucial period for them as well. He meant that the solution in the South would develop together with the solution in the North. This situation is the same as what is happening in Egypt. Just as the regimes in the region start to change there is a need for a change of regime in Egypt the solution for the question in the South is dependent on the solution in the North. From this aspect North Kurdistan can be likened to Egypt. And has the same strategic importance.  
  
They are apparently thinking of entering the elections with independent candidates. Of course they can do it as independent candidates. If they go to elections with their own party even though they may pass the threshold there will be an intervention of some sort. They will not allow them to pass the threshold. I will say a few more things later about the elections but for now I will say the following for those who would like to be candidates: They should be persons who are talented and have knowledge.  If they are then there may be some success. I had previously called it democratic national block not democratic block. Therefore they may enter the elections as a democratic national block. I have dealt with all these terms in my final volume of defences. 
  
My final defence has not reached the European Court of Human Rights. It may be that the state is preventing it. They have confiscated it so that they can work on it and make use of it for themselves. In this defence of mine I worked mostly on the Kurdish question and the ways to resolve it. I had previously named it "In Defence of the Kurds who are Under the Grip of Genocide". I later changed the title and named it "Kurdish Question and the Solution of Democratic Nation". 
  
They have opened political academies in nine different places but this is not sufficient. I had not proposed the academies in such a manner. They may have such educational activities but they should not confine themselves to this alone; they should do work on many topics such as history, arts and literature. There can be more comprehensive work done. These academies should also deal with historical issues. The issue of genocide is an example of this. I had previously mentioned that the beginning of the Kurdish genocide is 15 February 1925. In this date everyone knows that Sheikh Said was drawn into a provocation and known developments occur until he hanged. I was also brought to Turkey as a result of a plot on 15 February. Sheikh Said was hanged on 29 June. 29 June is also the date I was given the death penalty. 15 February 1925 is the beginning of genocidal history of Kurds within the Republican Turkey. 85 years have passed since 1925 and this genocide continues albeit in different forms. Before the Kurds there is the genocide of the Armenians. However a much worse genocide was taken up against the Kurds which still continues. Despite it the Kurds are still standing on their two feet, they were not able to accomplish the annihilation of the Kurds and hence Kurds continue to exist. Presently, this genocidal implementation continues in various forms. The genocide of the Kurds is not just physical; it is also cultural, economic, political and religious. 
  
Operations of political genocide continue. These are the dangers that I am talking about. Kurds do not handle all these issues in depth. If BDP and DTK do not gather together and evaluate all these issues properly then they can not lead the people properly. I talked about how the genocide of Kurds began in the 1925s. Back then the hegemonic power in charge of the republic was CHP. CHP is a secular-hegemonic power and it is this secular-republican hegemony that initiated the genocide of the Kurds. In the year 2000's AKP is the power that has realized the genocide of the Kurds. This hegemonic power is the Turkic-Islamic hegemonic power. In this aspect the present AKP is the CHP of the 1925's. This must be acknowledged. Between 1925 and 1940 this secular-republican power realized the genocide of the Kurds. 1950's and onwards this genocide continued in different forms and by different powers as Turkey became a member of NATO. After the founding of National Unity Committee in 1952 as well as becoming a member of NATO, there were genocides and eliminations taken up by the NATO until 1980. Especially the left was eliminated during this period. Until the 1950's the Gladio and NATO were internationally operated. After 1950 the international Gladio was nationalized and hence a national Gladio was established. Beginning with the 27 May coup d'etat and ending in 1980s this national Gladio eliminated the left. Kenan Evren talks about these issues and says "our Gladio which was national became autonomous in the 1990s". The coup d'etat in the 1990's by Güres is known by all. In parallel with Çiller's prime ministerial term the national Gladio became autonomous in Turkey. Özal's death is related to this coup. The autonomous Gladio existed until the beginning of the year 2000's. But an agreement was reached with the AKP, and hence with the AKP coming into power Gladio became privatized.  Presently we are going through a privatized Gladio era. So from international Gladio to national Gladio, from that to autonomous Gladio and from autonomous Gladio the transformation has been made to a privatized Gladio. This final change has been made during the AKP's term. I had called this the green Gladio, nevertheless though it is at the end Gladio.   
  
I am making new evaluations in relation to the Ergenekon arrests in parallel with what I have said above. As I was brought to Turkey in 1999 those who fought against us fiercely within this autonomous Gladio had understood that this question would not be solved through this method and that they would not be able to finish us off. They became inclined to resolve the question differently and within this framework they used to say that I should be talked to. These section of people who did not want to fight with us were  excluded, they were eliminated. Those who wanted the war to be continue were kept within this privatized Gladio and continued ahead. Some of those who are being tried in Silivri are those who do not want to fight with us any more; they are those who think that this war is not a solution to the question. I think this is quite clear. I am trying to follow the developments although there is restricted information. For example, Hanefi Avci who is being tried in Silivride presently has apparently written in his book "in order to resolve the question APO should be talked to". Again, Ersever was also one who fought with us the most but he had also understood that warring would not resolve anything and hence he was also eliminated. The background to all of this was prepared with the Washington agreement. The agreement was between Bush and Erdogan. With the Washington agreement, Bush was convinced and the US made an agreement with the AKP. There is also the Dolmabahçe agreement made between the AKP and the army in 2007 with Büyükanit. They agreed on the genocide of the Kurds. In return for this they paved the way for the AKP to form its own private gladio. This is just like the formation of the autonomous Gladio through the coup of Güres-Çiller in the 1990s. It is a private Gladio.   So the operation taken up today is that of the private Gladio over that of the autonomous Gladio. They are talking about some commanders who tried to prevent air raids on the PKK, there is also talk on the Herons. There are court cases now opened against these commanders. They find them guilty for not wanting to fight with the PKK. These are people who no longer think that any result can be attained through war but they are reflected as if they are the ones that want the continuation of war. Just as in the case of this example there are also those within the Ergenekon trial who are shown to be against a solution but in reality some of them have indeed fought with us fiercely but have come to think that this is not the way to attain results. There is a deception here. Taraf newspaper was deceived on this issue for a long time. I remember when I was first brought here there were commanders who came and saw me here and said "we can resolve this question together". They had good intentions. When I asked them 'how strong are you?', they used to say "don't you worry we are strong enough". In our last meeting I asked them "will you come again?". They told me "we will come ten days later" but I never saw them again. They had a good approach. I do not know what happened back then but I think some power stopped them. Later there were others who came but their approach was not good. Later the AKP came to power. Then the well known elimination period of 2002 to 2004 began. I was not informed of this well enough. They tried to divide the movement with the incident of Osman and others. In the early years of the AKP’s coming to power -together with the influence of the intervention in Iraq- there was the attempt to eliminate the PKK. In those years the AKP believed that the PKK would be divided and then fragment into piece and would just be finished off. I was given information quite late at the time. But because of my far sightedness all these games were invalidated. I am really focusing on events here on a daily basis. After Osman departed he said positive things on the AKP which was printed in the press, and continues to say positive things about them. At the time AKP executed such an elimination policy. When they were not successful they began with their policy of "decompose them by spreading things in time". Finally, with the 2007 Dolmabahçe agreement they approved all types of attacks against the Kurds in return for the Government and Presidency. In return for such an agreement they paved the way for AKP to form its own private Gladio. This is what we are going through now. The release of Hizbullah members should be understood within this framework. Those who murdered our people savagely in the past have been released but the political genocide operations continue to date against the Kurds. Now they are talking about an amnesty for these murderers and villains as well as allowing them to participate in the political life. Some columnists say that these murderers can do political work and can get into active politics. 

What does this mean? Do they have an organization, do they have a political organization that can transform and change itself. Look at what they have done so far, they have always targeted free Kurds and murdered them. They are criminals who have murdered people, who have murdered Kurdish people. They are not an organization but killers who have been used at the time to eliminate Kurdish politics. Their only activity was this. Did they do anything else apart from killing people, if so what is their activity then? This is what I meant when I said Kurdish Hamas, I drew attention to such dangers. If one does not understand the existence of such policies how could one invalidate them? They are talking about the old JITEM and the new one. I do not know whether they are aware of it or not but they can become a part of these games intentionally or unintentionally. These columnists on the other hand talk about their affection for Özdemirs. If he wants to be worthy of Ozdemirs then he must see all the deceptions. 
  
It is said that Hizbullah shall also stand election with independent candidates. I repeat if these policies are not understood how can you invalidate them, the next day their foremost target will be Kurds again. When I talk about political academies I am talking about the discussion on these topics and the enlightenment of the people. You should discuss these issues within its historical dimensions and in depth. In relation to Hizbullah it is not true to say that "they are only a couple of people, there is no need to take them seriously, they do not have much power". This is not the right approach. Hizbullah is the smallest section of a deeply embedded organization. It would be important to see the real deep power behind it as well as the plans. What is important is that you make historical evaluations and attain results that can be applied to the present.  
  
The AKP's real aim is elimination. This is open and clear. To date they were not able to eliminate the Kurds through traditional methods and now they are developing new ones. These are new genocidal policies. A part of the army does not want to fight and is fed up with fighting. They are unable to give a fight with them as they want to hence they are now setting up a 50 thousand manned private army that shall report to it alone. They shall give each around one and a half to two billion lira in salary. In addition they are sending a 15 thousand manned army of imams to the region - mind you these are not imams in the classical meaning of the word, they are especially assigned. 
  
Hence the elimination of the Kurds is being done in different forms. In many places in the region they are using imams and Hizbullah but in Dersim they achieve this under the pretext of leftism. They have finished Dersim off. What is left of it? Is there any Kurdishness of Dersim left? What they have finished off there is the Kurdish identity. The KCK operation, did they not arrest more then 2000 Kurdish politicians? If all these do not amount to elimination and that of physical, political and moral genocide then what is?  
  
The AKP says "we have not done it". OK then who did? What do you mean to say that you have not done it, you are the one in power, the one in government and you have responsibilities which you can not escape from them. In the case of Hizbullah for example, they first release them and then blame the judiciary for it and then say that they are looking for them. Can any of the above be achieved without the knowledge of the government? The only ones to resist are the Kurds, and they plan to become the only power by eliminating the Kurds. There are many games played on the Kurds with an intention to eliminate them. The methods used are truly tricky. First they declared some of the Kurdish politicians pigeons and the others hawks and hence wished to fragment them. I am trying to point at the dangers ahead you must be able to pick them out. 
  
But of course this question is one that surmounts the AKP as well. The AKP is not just a party it is a more complex issue. AKP is a small portion of the iceberg that can be seen. It is a small part of the real organization. One of its ends reaches the US. The elimination that is being staged is a very big organization. It would be deceptive to see it only as an AKP organization. One should see the huge organization behind it.  
  
The meetings with the state delegation continue. The month of March will be a decisive month to see whether the period shall evolve into something positive or there will be a deadlock. In the resolution of the Kurdish question the security and democratic solution dimensions are of high importance. I can not carry out the negotiations because of my present conditions. Besikçi had also made a similar statement on this issue. The conditions I am kept under are quite restricted. I am under aggravated imprisonment conditions. I have limited means. I can define my conditions as follows; "there is a pool but no water, I am told to swim in a waterless pool. How can I swim in a waterless pool? I should maybe not say that there is absolutely no water in it but rather there is water up to my knee, and I told to swim but how can I swim in such little water? The water must be at least under my chin so that I can make my strokes in comfort". This can be further developed under supervision. If not I can not play the role expected of me under the present conditions. No one should expect it and in the case that they do it is would not be right. I can play the role of a facilitator in the resolution of the question. The state too should play the role that falls on its shoulders. If we are not to attain any results from our efforts and if a solution can not be developed then it is no longer important whether I take on any roles or not and in such a situation I may withdraw myself with March. If this is what happens then I had talked about the possibilities with the month of March. What I have said previously is not a call for the commencement of war. 
  
The self-defence approach that should be developed is the organization of the people in all aspects. The people should be included in this new concept. When we talk about self-defence the only thing understood is arms. Even the most democratic societies have the need to defend themselves. This does not mean arms. Democratic popular demonstrations are also a form of self-defence. For example if the people in Diyarbakir go out on the streets like they did in Egypt and demand their rights then peace shall come. If this happens we shall see whether there is an AKP or not. Then Erdogan himself shall demand the solution of this question. Besides they have the strength to gather millions of people in Diyarbakir. This method is also self-defence. I am not provoking things but looking for ways to resolve the Kurdish question in a democratic and peaceful way. I had a long while ago had said that the year 2000s shall be the people's spring. The latest developments in Egypt and Tunisia are proving me right.  
  
We have for a long time said that the dictatorial regimes in the Middle East shall be overcome with the system of democratic confederalism. Democratic confederalism is the only solution. On the other hand my analysis about the month of March is not understood correctly. It is not a declaration of a revolt day. On the contrary our aim here is to resolve the question. If the channels for a democratic solution however get clogged then whether we like it or not violence shall increase, this is an unmistakeable fact. If the path to democratic solution is clogged then a new period that may lead to separation may begin.  We are trying to prevent this and ensure a democratic solution. All our efforts are to this end. In order to decommission arms there is a need to open democratic channels. This is how we should understand the decommissioning of arms. It is dangerous to talk about decommissioning without opening the democratic channels. I had given the example of the victim in Mardin previously as well so that it would be understood. This victim was raped by two hundred man and none of them were given a sentence. All of them were released after three or four months in prison. None of them were arrested. There is no one, no judiciary, no state, no gendermarie, no one to protect this girl. This is something that has been done to all Kurdish women. This is also a policy implemented elsewhere around the world as well.  
  
It is not that there is no change in consciousness but once again this shall be implemented by Kurdish politicians and leaders. No one has the right to invalidate the expectations of the people. They must succeed. They used to say that the honour of Öcalan is the honour of the Kurds. If they see themselves as leaders then they should be able to see the honour of the people as their own and hence act with this awareness. But for this they must have a clear knowledge of Kurdishness. But your knowledge is not based on sound foundations. Sure they are Kurdish and they do not deny it but they cannot respond to the events that occur with such a crude knowledge. They should know their history well. There is much impurity when it comes to this. They are honourable Kurds but this is not enough either. They must know their reality well too. There is much impurity in this too and its roots go well back to Gilgamesh. There is a famous saying by an Ottoman grand vizier that goes "you are made of pure dirt, if I wipe all your dirt there shall be nothing left of you". The situation of the Kurds is quite similar to this. In order to get rid of all the impurities one should understand the meaning and knowledge of identity. Such an understanding can not happen through politics or science alone. Let me just tell you how it developed with me. I remember that I was going to High School, it was around 1966 to 1967. I had an Aram Tigran cassette for the first time. When I listened to it for the first time I said "well done that is exactly it". My initial Kurdish knowledge was formed when I first listened to Aram. Both in terms of his lyrics, music and the feeling it gave really influenced me. And I met my Kurdishness in the true sense of the meaning through such music. Years later, I think it was the year when the Kurdish television opened for the first time. I was connected by telephone and Aram was singing his two versed song called "delal delal". This song told the story of Dervise Evdi and Adule. He had composed the story into a song. This story was telling a small section of the general story. And Aram was singing it. He was not exactly giving the whole feeling yet it was still quite effective. It brought the humans and history together. The story is about the incidents of a hundreds of years ago, it is the era of the Ottomans. At the time there are no such restrictions as there are today. It is a love story that occurred in a region that is now within the borders of Syria and Iraq but in its essence it is reflecting history. Dervise Evdi is a Ezidi Kurd from Sengal. As far as I know the roots of Ahmet Türk is from Viransehir to the Ezidi's there. When you listen to even music you can learn something about the history of the Kurds. You are able to learn something about its truth. You realize what your truth is through such art work. Truth can not be reached through science alone, you can reach it through arts and music as well. A story can assist you to reach your truth and identity. It might be appropriate to say that those who are able to live their Kurdishness in its purest form are most of all respectively Ezidi Kurds, Alewi Kurds and the Sunni Kurds who live in the lowlands. Ezidi Kürds were the ones that were oppressed the most and they were forced to migrate as they represented the identity foremost. There was also Baran who was from Dersim, he was an artist. I remember he had very nice, original, meaningful works. He played the violin well. But of course later there was much degeneration imposed on Dersim and still is the case. Can the artists of today put across this originality, meaning and depth now? One is not so taken back with the music of today. Those who work in this area should deal with these issues. I am reading a book at the moment, I am reading it for the second time. When dealing with the truth of the Kurds the experience of PKK is quite important and striking. If the history of PKK is not researched and understood then today you can not successfully politically act on behalf of the Kurds, in the case one does they will be insufficient.  
  
I send my greetings to the family of Hüseyin Xiziri who was executed by Iran and also all our people in Iran. Those who did this to Xiziri shall be held accountable one day for sure.  
  
The woman's question is important. The five thousand year old history of classed civilization has given the woman the role of giving birth and breast-feeding. That is all there is to woman. Erdogan also tells them to bear three children. Women are fighting against such an attitude. The women can realize the modern woman’s status in the Middle East. It is important to achieve this. Thousands of years later it is important and precious that the women's goddess culture is represented by the Middle Eastern women. A woman who attains such a level shall be loved, and a meaningful live can be achieved with such a woman. With this concept, the women within our movement can lead the way for the woman of the Middle East and influence women. They should be able to drive their work forward. I send my greetings to all the women comrades. I wish them success. 
  
I send my greetings to our people in Kars, Agri, Dogubeyazit, Van, Tatvan, Hakkari, Sirnak, Mardin, Izmir and in the other cities. I also send my greetings to Dersim.